Regional Aspirations 

Regional aspirations are usually expressed in the language of the region and addressed to the local population or the rulers.

Region and the Nation

The period of 1980s can be seen as a period of rising regional aspirations for autonomy, often outside the framework of the Indian Union. These movements frequently involved armed assertions by the people, their repression by the government, and a collapse of the political and electoral processes. The accords were reached after a process of dialogue that aimed to settle contentious issues within the constitutional framework. Yet the journey to the accord was always tumultuous and often violent.

Indian Approach

One basic principle of the Indian approach to diversity is that India as a nation shall not deny the rights of different regions and linguistic groups to retain their own culture.

Indian nationalism sought to balance the principles of unity and diversity. India adopted a democratic approach to the question of diversity. Democracy allows the political expressions of regional aspirations and does not look upon them as anti-national.

Democratic politics also means that regional issues and problems will receive adequate attention and accommodation in the policy making process.

But sometimes, the concern for national unity may overshadow the regional needs and aspirations. At other times a concern for a region alone may build us to the larger needs of the nation. 

Areas of Tensions

Soon after Independence, the issue of Jammu and Kashmir came up. It was not only a conflict between India and Pakistan but also the political aspirations of the people of Kashmir Valley.

Similarly, in some parts of the north-east, there was no consensus about being a part of India. First Nagaland and then Mizoram witnessed strong movements demanding separation from India.

In the south, some groups from the Dravid movement briefly toyed with the idea of a separate country. From the late 1950s, people speaking the Punjabi language started agitating for a separate State for themselves. Thus the challenge of diversity was met by redrawing the internal boundaries of the country. 

Dravidian Movement or Self Respect Movement

This was one of the first regional movements in Indian politics. The Dravidian movement led to the formation of Dravida Kazhagam [DK] under the leadership of E.V. Ramasami ‘Periyar’. The organisation strongly opposed the Brahmins’ dominance and affirmed regional pride against the political, economic and cultural domination of the North. Initially, the Dravidian movement spoke in terms of the whole of south India; however lack of support from other States limited the movement to Tamil Nadu. The DK split and the political legacy of the movement transferred to DMK.

Jammu and Kashmir

The ‘Kashmir issue’ is always seen as a major issue between India and Pakistan. Jammu and Kashmir comprises three social and political regions: Jammu-region is a mix of foothills and plains, Kashmir- the heart of the Kashmir region is the Kashmir valley and Ladakh- region of mountainous. It involves the issue of Kashmiri identity known as Kashmiriyat and the aspirations of the people of J&K for political autonomy. 

Roots of the Problem

Before 1947, Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) was a Princely State. Its Hindu ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh, did not want to merge and tried to negotiate with India and Pakistan to have an independent status for his state.

In October 1947, Pakistan sent tribal infiltrators from its side to capture Kashmir. This forced the Maharaja to ask for Indian military help. India extended the military support and drove back the infiltrators from Kashmir valley, but only after the Maharaja had signed an ‘Instrument of Accession’ with the Government of India.

It was also agreed that once the situation normalized, the views of the people of J&K will be ascertained about their future. Sheikh Abdullah took over as the Prime Minister of the State of J&K in March 1948. India agreed to maintain the autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir.

External and Internal Disputes

Externally, Pakistan has always claimed that Kashmir valley should be part of Pakistan. Pakistan sponsored a tribal invasion of the State of 1947 and as a consequence of it, a part of the state came under Pakistani control. India claims this area under illegal occupation whereas Pakistan describes this area as ‘Azad Kashmir.’

Internally, there is a dispute about the status of Kashmir within the Indian Union. Article 370 gives greater autonomy to J&K compared to other states of India. State has its own Constitution.

The special attention provokes two opposite reactions. one is, a section of people outside J&K feels that Article 370 should be revoked and J&K should be like any other state in India. Other section, mostly Kashmiries, believe that autonomy conferred by Article 370 is not enough.

A section of Kashmiris have expressed at least three major grievances. One is the demand for a ‘Plebiscite’. Second is the ‘Greater State Autonomy’ and third is democracy institutionalization in the state of J&K.

Politics Since 1948

Sheikh Abdullah initiated major land reforms and other policies which benefited ordinary people. But there was a growing difference between him and the central government about his position on Kashmir’s status. He was dismissed in 1953.

During 1953 and 1974, the Congress party exercised a lot of influence on the politics of the State. The National Conference remained in power with the active support of Congress for some time but later it merged with the Congress. Thus the Congress gained direct control over the government in the State.

In 1974 Indira Gandhi reached an agreement with Sheikh Abdullah and he became the Chief Minister of the State. Sheikh Abdullah died in 1982 and the leadership of the National Conference went to his son, Farooq Abdullah, who became the Chief Minister.

The dismissal of Farooq Abdullah’s government due to the intervention of the Centre generated a feeling of resentment in Kashmir. The feeling that the Centre was intervening in politics of the State was further strengthened when the National Conference in 1986 agreed to have an electoral alliance with the Congress, the ruling party in the Centre.

Insurgency and After

In the 1987 Assembly elections the National conference - Congress alliance and Farooq Abdullah returned as chief minister.

By 1989, the State had come in the grip of a militant movement mobilized around the cause of a separate Kashmiri nation.

Throughout the period from 1990, Jammu and Kashmir experienced violence at the hands of the insurgents and through army action.

J&K experienced a very fair election in 2002. The National Conference failed to win a majority and was replaced by the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and Congress coalition government.

Separatism and Beyond

Separatist politics which surfaced in Kashmir from 1989 has taken different forms and is made up of various strands. There is one strand of separatists who want a separate Kashmiri nation, independent of India and Pakistan.

The Centre has started negotiations with various separatist groups. Instead of demanding a separate nation, most of the separatists in dialogue are trying to re-negotiate a relationship of the State with India.

Despite all these diversities and divergence on the one hand, and the continued situation of conflict on the other, the plural and secular culture of the State has remained largely intact.

Punjab

The decade of 1980s also witnessed major developments in the State of Punjab. The social composition of the State changed first with Partition and later on after the carving out of Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.

The Akali Dal, which was formed in 1920 as the political wing of the Sikhs, had led the movement for the formation of a ‘Punjabi suba’.

Political Context

After the reorganisation, the Akalis came to power in 1967 and then in 1977. The Akalis discovered that despite the redrawing of the boundaries, their political position remained precarious. Firstly, their government was dismissed by the Centre mid-way through its term. Secondly, they did not enjoy strong support among the Hindus. Thirdly, the Sikh community, like all other religious communities, was internally differentiated on caste and class lines.

During the 1970s a section of Akalis began to demand political autonomy for the region. This was reflected in a resolution passed at their conference at Anandpur Sahib in 1973. The resolution also spoke of the aspirations of the Sikh qaum (community or nation) and declared its goal as attaining the bolbala (dominance or hegemony) of the Sikhs.

A section of the religious leaders raised the question of autonomous Sikh identity. The more extreme elements started advocating secession from India and the creation of ‘Khalistan’.

Cycle of Violence

The militants made their headquarters inside the Sikh holy shrine, the Golden Temple in Amritsar, and turned it into an armed fortress. In June 1984, the Government of India carried out ‘Operation Blue Star’, code name for army action in the Golden Temple.

A large proportion of Sikhs in India and abroad saw the military operation as an attack on their faith and this gave further impetus to militant and extremist groups. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated on 31 October 1984 outside her residence by her bodyguards. Both the assassins were Sikhs and wanted to take revenge for Operation Bluestar. In many parts of northern India violence broke out against the Sikh community.

Road to Peace

In 1984, the new Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi initiated a dialogue with moderate Akali leaders. In July 1985, he reached an agreement with Harchand Singh Longowal(akali dal president). This agreement,known as the Rajiv Gandhi - Longowal Accord or the Punjab Accord. The cycle of violence continued nearly for a decade.

Peace returned to Punjab by the middle of 1990s. The alliance of Akali Dal (Badal) and the BJP scored a major victory in1997, in the first normal elections in the State in the post-militancy era, politics has gradually moved back along secular lines.

The North East

The North-East region now consists of seven States, also referred to as the ‘seven sisters’. A small corridor of about 22 kilometers connects the region to the rest of the country. Otherwise the region shares boundaries with China, Myanmar and Bangladesh and serves as India’s gateway to South East Asia. The region has witnessed a lot of change since 1947. Tripura, Manipur and Khasi Hills of Meghalaya were erstwhile Princely States which merged with India after Independence.

The entire region of North-East has undergone considerable political reorganisation. Nagaland State was created in 1960, Meghalaya, Manipur and Tripura in 1972 while Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram became separate States only in 1986.

Three issues dominate the politics of North-East: demands for autonomy, movements for secession, and opposition to ‘outsiders’.

(i). Demands for Autonomy

At independence the entire region except Manipur and Tripura comprised the State of Assam. Demands for political autonomy arose when the non-Assamese felt that the Assam government was imposing Assamese language on them.

They demanded a tribal State to be carved out of Assam. Finally instead of one tribal State, several States got carved out of Assam. The reorganisation of the North-East was completed by 1972. 

(ii). Secessionist Movements 

After Independence, the Mizo Hills area was made an autonomous district within Assam. But the movement for secession gained popular support after the Assam government failed to respond adequately to the great famine of 1959 in Mizo hills.

The Mizos’ anger led to the formation of the Mizo National Front (MNF) under the leadership of Laldenga. In 1966 the MNF started an armed campaign for independence. Thus, started a two decade long battle between Mizo insurgents and the Indian army. 

The MNF fought a guerilla war, got support from Pakistani government and secured shelter in the then East Pakistan. At one point even the Indian Air Force was used. These measures caused more anger and alienation among the people.

In 1986 a peace agreement was signed between Rajiv Gandhi and Laldenga. As per this accord Mizoram was granted full-fledged statehood with special powers and the MNF agreed to give up secessionist struggle.

This accord proved a turning point in the history of Mizoram. Today, Mizoram is one of the most peaceful places in the region and has taken big strides in literacy and development.

The story of Nagaland is similar to Mizoram, except that it started much earlier and has not yet had such a happy ending. After a period of violent insurgency a section of the Nagas signed an agreement with the Government of India but this was not acceptable to other rebels.

(iii). Movements Against Outsiders

The large scale migration into the North-East gave rise to a special kind of problem that pitted the ‘local’ communities against people who were seen as ‘outsiders’ or migrants.

The Assam Movement from 1979 to 1985 is the best example of such movements against ‘outsiders’. There was widespread poverty and unemployment in Assam despite the existence of natural resources like oil, tea and coal. It was felt that these were drained out of the State without any commensurate benefit to the people.

In 1979 the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU), a students group not affiliated to any party, led an anti-foreigner movement. The Rajiv Gandhi-led government entered into negotiations with the AASU leaders, leading to the signing of an accord in 1985.

With the successful completion of the movement, the AASU and the Asom Gana Sangram Parishad organized themselves as a regional political party called Asom Gana Parishad (AGP). It came to power in 1985 with the promise of resolving the foreign national problem as well as to build a ‘Golden Assam’. 

Sikkim merger:

At the time of Independence, Sikkim was not a part of India, it was also not a fully sovereign country. Sikkim’s defence and foreign relations were looked after by India, while the power of internal administration was with the Chogyal, Sikkim’s monarch.

The first democratic elections to Sikkim assembly in 1974 were swept by Sikkim Congress which stood for greater integration with India. The Indian Parliament accepted the request and Sikkim became the 22nd State of the Indian union.

Goa’s Liberation:

Although the British empire in India came to an end in 1947, Portugal refused to withdraw from the territories of Goa, Daman and Diu which were under its colonial rule since the 16th century. Finally, in December 1961, the Government of India sent the army which liberated these territories. Goa, Daman and Diu became Union Territory.

In January 1967, the Central Government held a special ‘opinion poll’ in Goa asking people to decide if they wanted to be part of Maharashtra or remain separate. This was the only time in independent India that a referendum used to ascertain people’s wishes on a subject. The majority voted in favour of remaining outside of Maharashtra. Thus, Goa continued as a Union Territory. Finally, in 1987, Goa became a State of the Indian Union.

Accommodation and National Integration

Regional aspirations are very much a part of democratic politics, and expression of regional issues is not an aberration or an abnormal phenomenon.

The best way to respond to regional aspirations is through democratic negotiations rather than through suppression. The significance of power sharing.

Regional imbalances in economic development contributes to the feeling of regional discrimination. The farsightedness of the makers of our constitution in dealing with questions of diversity. The federal system adopted by India is a flexible arrangement.

Therefore, regional aspirations are not encouraged to espouse separatism. Thus politics in India has succeeded in accepting regionalism as part and parcel of democratic politics. 

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